A Response to “A Defense of Third Worldism From the Third World”

Making the rounds in socialist cirlces online today is the article “A Defense of Third Worldism From the Third World” by Carlos Cruz Mosquera, itself a response to the article “White Guilt and Third Worldism“, a criticism of Third Worldism from a communist by the name of “Mond”. This article, as the title implies, attempts to defend the notion of “Third Worldism”, ie: the notion that the world revolution hinges solely on the Third World countries and that the working class in imperialist countries has no revolutionary potential. In this post I am going to attempt to respond to specific points made in the article. I recommend reading both articles before reading this one.

The piece starts by agreeing with Mond’s point that white guilt is not truly oppositional to white chauvinism, and that in-fact it is another facet of white supremacy. At this point all is well and good and we’re in agreement.

In the second paragraph, however, he makes a huge and unexpected leap, pinning white guilt to Third Worldism as “it’s most popular formation.” He goes on to reduce Third Worldism to a position taken by white people (because of their white guilt) to justify their “inaction” and “nihilism.” Through taking a Third Worldist line, according to him, one necessarily believes that “there is no revolutionary potential for the working class in the U.S.
This reductionism of Third World communism is not only lazy, but is also a long-standing accusation by mainstream communist parties in the West in order to deflect that they are beneficiaries of imperialist loot and embrace Eurocentric ideals in general. In this case, it is regurgitated by a member of color, which is unfortunate.”

In the second paragraph Mosquera points first criticizes the idea that Third Worldism is white guilts “most popular formation” on the left and on this specific point I would agree; white guilt is yet more prominent a position with strands of left-liberal and social democratic positions. Now there is a point of departure. Mosquero calls Monds identification of the Third Worldist line as the view that there is no revolutionary potential for the US working class a “reduction”. The implication here is that Mosquero actually DOES think there is a purpose and potential for the revolutionay action of the U.S. working class, but, as I will point out, they later betray that this does not extend beyond aiding the struggle of the Third World and does not include the fight for their own liberation. Mosquero also conflates Monds principled defense of the notion of working class revolution with white chauvinism itself by equating it with the view of opportunistic Western socialist parties that claim workers in the imperialist countries gain nothing when compared with workers of oppressed countries. Mond does not argue anything like this at any point of their article. Mosquero offensively says this line is being “regurgitated”, suggesting it’s not a principled position arrived at through study and struggle but instead something force-fed to a black communist who evidently doesn’t know their interests don’t lie with socialism.

So what is the genuine Third World communist line?

What separates Third Worldism from classical communism or mainstream leftist analysis of class struggle is the argument that Western/First World workers benefit from imperialism. This is not a mere “feeling” (white guilt in this case), but an actual material relationship that can be scientifically understood through a thorough study of the global capitalist system.

Take the example provided by Dr. Zak Cope in his book “Divided World Divided Class.” In 2012, around $1.7 trillion of value was transferred from non-OECD countries (mainly Third World nations) by means of unequal exchange in manufactures. Simply put, Third World or Global South workers and nations are being robbed of a large portion of their wealth, helping to maintain the high wages of First World workers (and other benefits derived from their governments’ public spending).

Mosquero goes on to argue for their position, but their conclusion does not follow from their arguments. It is news to no genuine communist that the imperialist, First World countries are fat off the exploitation of the oppressed countries of the Third World. This was not news even in the days of Marx and Engels, nor those of Lenin. The premise is news to nobody; but the conclusion certainly is. That conclusion being Third Worldism. Mosquero continues to go on for several paragraphs repeating and backing up the (uncontested by me or I’m sure by Mond!) fact that by virtue of imperialist countries plunder, their working class is relatively well-off when compared with the working class in the oppressed countries. Nowhere is it evident though that socialism would not be vastly better for First World workers, or that their interests don’t lie with socialism and not with capitalism. This isn’t using a vulgar, jeuvinile “fully automated luxury communism” view either; it is my view that even a sustainable Global North working on reversing imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism with MASSIVE reparations back to the Global South, will STILL constitute an improvement in the lives of working and oppressed people. We can see in socialist but also poor (per-capita) and underdeveloped countries like Cuba or China, how their life expectancies can approach (or in the case of Cuba, even surpass) those of some of the imperialist countries because socialism prioritizes the needs of the people and not profit for capitalists. What’s more the productive relations are so advanced in the imperialist countries that socialism could very quickly meet the basic needs of all members of society. It matters little to a laid-off, uninsured American worker that they live in imperialism if they still cannot get the medicine they need to survive. A French worker who has the surplus value of their labor appropriated by a parasitic owning class is still exploited. Overwhelmingly suffering and exploitation is still lumped on the working class of the imperialist countries. Imperialism has not made basic Marxist economic principles and realities obsolete.

Implicit in all of this is that, because First World workers are better off than Third World workers, capitalism is better than socialism for First World workers. This is, as much of Third Worldist thought is, a conclusion that does not follow from that premise. It’s true that workers in imperialist countries have access to a large assortment of cheap goods, of higher pay than those of the global south, of relative benefits in healthcare, food and education when compared with Third World workers.

Linked to Mariátegui’s call for a non-Eurocentric application of Marxism are revolutionary leaders and thinkers from the Third World such as Lin Biao, Ruy Mauro Marini, Che Guevara and more recently, Omali Yeshitela. They suggested that revolutionary struggles in imperialist centers are stunted by some layers of the working class benefiting from imperialist loot.

Here comes part of the premise, and with it, the suggestion that communists like Che Guevara would support the notion of Third Worldism. Particularly humorous is the notion that Che, who in 1964 said to Americans “I envy you. You North Americans are very lucky. You are fighting the most important fight of all – you live in the heart of the beast.” would have supported the defeatist Third-Worldist view.

I envy you. You North Americans are very lucky. You are fighting the most important fight of all – you live in the heart of the beast. – Che

Even Lin Biao, who’s often incorrect views helped lead to the development of so-called Third Worldism, never went as far as modern-day Third Worldists do (who deny the potential or the existance of first world workers and who often actively oppose movements by workers in the First World on the belief that what helps First World workers necessarily harms Third World workers).

The most oppressed under global capitalism will be the first ones to destroy it. First World workers as they stand today continue to be in bed with their imperialist governments and companies. One only has to look at labor unions like the AFL-CIO that supported Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential bid, despite the fact that she orchestrated imperialist offensives in Libya, Syria, Honduras, Somalia, Pakistan and countless other Third World nations.

More of the premise and more erroneous thinking. More correct premises that do not follow to an incorrect conclusion. That reactionary trade unions exist, that there exists a labor aristocracy (a class conscious upper section of the working class that pushes for rapproachmont with and surrender to the bourgeoisie for personal benefit, as exemplified by unions like AFL-CIO) isn’t new to Leninists but the conclusions, that this group is not a tiny percentage of the working class but instead is somehow the vast majority, certainly is.

Additionally, implicit with all the points of how First World workers are “in bed” with the imperialist bourgeoisie is the notion that Third World workers are not often imbued with the false consciousness that has them supporting their own comprador bourgeoisie (and by extension, the imperialists overseeing them). This view has Third World workers naturally disposed to revolutionary socialism without the empire-enabling false consciousness that infects the proletariat in imperialist cuntries. Any investigation into this view immediately shows it to be false. This paragraph betrays the common Third worldist view that working with oppressed people and helping develop consciousness is easy and that the masses of the truly oppressed will more or less naturally flock to the truly socialist; that the hard work of educating, dealing with incorrect ideas, and uprooting false consciousness doesn’t have to be done or is not so difficult.

The diaspora of oppressed Third World peoples in the West can join this fight if only they turn away from the myopic First World struggles that Eurocentric leftists and so-called communists (mis)lead us to.

Here we see the core of Third-Worldism; so-called “First World struggles” are to be turned away from. Instead of something bound up with the struggle of the Third World, of the oppressed countries of the global south, the struggles of workers in the First World is a “distraction” at best and at worst something to be actively opposed. There is a false distinction between on the one-hand, supporting the struggles of working and oppressed people in the imperialist core, and supporting the struggles of working and oppressed people in the global south. The two are inseperably bound up because their interests both lie in the global overthrow of capitalism (and therefore, imperialism) and in sociaism.

Conclusion

Mosquero’s article shows insight into a common Third-Worldist tendency, namely to have many correct premises but a conclusion that does not follow from the premise. The conclusion reached does not come from their premises; instead, it comes from somewhere else. I don’t plan on, in this post, speculating on precisely where that incorrect conclusion comes from, but I plan on making a later post on the topic of Third Worldism generally. I hope I made clear also that my positions don’t come from “Eurocentrism” or chauvinist or imperialist beliefs, but in recognizing that the struggle for liberation is a global one and that the interest of the working class lies in socialism and the overthrow of the bourgesoisie on a global scale. It is the duty of those like myself, socialists in the heartland of world imperialism, to work and fight to build working-class consciousness and to kill the beast from the inside-out.

100 Years Ago Today

100 years ago today, for the first time in human history, the working class was able to seize and hold onto state power. What would follow was an entirely new kind of society; a socialist society where state power was wielded by the majority, the masses of workers and peasants, against the exploiting, owning minority. A society not based on private profit for an owning class but on use and utility for the people. A society where production went “from each according to their ability, to each according to their work”. A society for the workers, for the people. A society as fought for but never realized in their lifetimes by Marx and Engels.

In the following years the revolutions would face tremendous obstacles; brutal civil war, mass shortages and the hardships that entailed, and literal invasion from the imperial powers. The revolution emerged victorious however, and this resulted in the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the great workers state that, led by the working class of what as formerly imperial Russia, helped lead the international working class movement for more than half a century.

The achievements of the revolution are remarkable. Working class power led to drastic, overwhelming increases in living standards and quality of life for the people. Working class power led to the most rapid industrialization in human history, by any country, before or since. Working class power led to tremendous advancements in woman’s liberation and the fight against patriarchy. Working class power led to the defeat of world fascism in the second world war.

The USSR would also prove to be a friend to workers and anti-imperial and anti-colonial movements the world over. Subsequent workers revolutions owe themselves to the October Revolution both through their use of theory and the experience of October, but also through direct support from the USSR.

Today the USSR is gone; the workers state destroyed against the wishes of the people by a combination of factors, including bourgeois reactionary elements in the party, as well as American encirclement and infiltration. That’s a huge topic for another day, but it amounted to the greatest setback in the history of the working class and anti-imperialist struggle. Despite the tremendous setback, several socialist countries remained and workers and and anti-imperialist movements would regain strength. Today communists gather all over the world and once again, the bourgeoisie is worried.

Now, it’s time for another 100 years. The October revolution has shown us that it’s possible to create a better world. That it’s possible for oppressed people to take power into their own hands, and for them to build a society organized for the benefit of the masses of working people and not a tiny owning minority. In the future, armed with the experiences and theory of Marx, October and subsequent people’s revolutions and struggles (together this is called Marxism-Leninism), the oppressed people of the world must create many more Octobers; Octobers suited to their specific conditions and environment

It’s only through those revolutionary movements, informed by our understanding of the October Revolution and the past 100 years that we can create the conditions for the abolition of class society altogether.

Workers of the world unite!